Eurasian Election Watch
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Ukraine: Former Prime Minister Rises From The Ashes
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
By Valentinas Mite
January 19, 2006
Viktor Yanukovych, the man pushed aside by the Orange Revolution, seems to be winning hearts and minds of Ukrainian voters. Recent polls suggest that his party is favored by 31 percent of voters compared to 13 percent of those who support the Our Ukraine bloc led by President Viktor Yushchenko -- the figurehead of Ukraine's reform movement. Yanukovych's reemergence opens up the possibility that Ukraine's upcoming parliamentary elections could result in the former premier leading parliament's strongest faction and place him in a position to once again become prime minister.
18 January 2006 (RFE/RL) -- In a campaign advertisement that figures prominently on Ukrainian television yesterday, Viktor Yanukovych doles out promises and extols the virtues of the party he leads -- the Party of Regions.
"The Party of Regions is ready to lead the country," Yanukovych proclaims in the ad. "We will introduce the Russian language as the second official language in Ukraine. We will lower the income tax. It is high time to end incompetence. Together we will win for the sake of Ukraine."
Andriy Bychenko, head of the sociology department at the Oleksandr Razumkov Center for Economic and Political Studies in Kyiv, says there is no doubt that Yanukovych has reemerged as force to be reckoned with.
"The latest polls, that we took at the end of last year, indicate that the popularity [of Yanukovych] is growing," according to Bychenko. "Polls made by other [pollsters] indicate the same."
However, Bychenko says Yanukovych's newfound popularity is largely due to voters' perceptions that the leaders of the Orange Revolution have failed to live up to the promises that led them to power.
Bychenko says Yuschenko's team has not been successful in fighting corruption, and has failed in its efforts to push economic reforms and attract foreign investment.
Yushchenko has dismissed one of the main leaders of the revolution -- Yuliya Tymoshenko -- for incompetence. The current cabinet, headed by acting Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov, has been dismissed by parliament over a gas deal with Russia. The gas dispute still doesn't seem to be resolved and nothing seems to be stable in Ukrainian politics.
On the other hand, Bychenko says the number of Yanukovych supporters is growing in relative, not absolute terms.
The polls indicate that more and more of Yushchenko's supporters in the western and central regions of the country are inclined to stay away from the elections and are not likely to change their minds unless significant changes occur.
"Former supporters of Yushchenko are engulfed by political apathy because of the conflicts among what was once a united team," Bychenko says. "They have decided to refrain from participation in politics, do not plan to vote -- and this is particularly evident in the central parts [of Ukraine.]"
Russian-Speaking East
Meanwhile, Yanukovych continues to consolidate his supporters. His power base is in Ukraine's Russian-speaking eastern and southern regions, and he tells voters there what they want to hear.
"I have never allowed anti-Russian rhetoric in Ukrainian policy toward such a strategic partner like Russia," Yanukovych says. "This is the first point. I never went against the interests of the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainian people."
Bychenko says Yanukovych's pro-Russian stance is becoming stronger and more distinctly pronounced -- and the analyst believes this is what the Kremlin wants to hear. Bychenko notes that Yanukovych received strong support from Moscow during the 2004 presidential elections -- support that has not faded.
Ihor Losev, a professor at Kyiv's Mohyla Academy, says that Yanukovych's Party of Regions could become the most powerful party in the parliament. Furthermore, Losev says, Yanukovych stands to once again become prime minister.
"If everything continues the same way as it is now, this danger looks likely to come true," Losev says.
Losev also notes that Ukraine's constitutional reforms, which went into effect on 1 January, grant parliament expanded powers -- including the ability to elect the country's prime minister. Previously only the president had the power
Ukraine Pres: Still Time To Overcome Political Impasse
Associated Press
January 19, 2006
KIEV (AP)--President Viktor Yushchenko Wednesday expressed hope that there is still time to find an agreement that would end the political impasse triggered by parliament's vote to dismiss the Cabinet.
"I am still trying to maintain hope in one thing - that there is still time to come to an agreement, to leave emotions out of it and speak wisely," Yushchenko said at the start of a meeting with the National Security Council. The parliament is to hold a special session to discuss the issue on Thursday.
Lawmakers last week voted to dismiss the Cabinet, but agreed to let it continue working until parliamentary elections in March. Yushchenko has called the vote illegal. The vote came after a bruising dispute with Russia over the price of gas, which resulted in a nearly twofold increase in prices for Ukraine.
3. Yushchenko, Ukraine Cabinet due in parliament for joint session aimed to end stalemate
Associated Press
January 19, 2006
Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko was expected in parliament on Thursday for an unusual joint session aimed at finding compromise with lawmakers who gave the Orange Revolution leader a vote of no-confidence last week by sacking his Cabinet.
Yushchenko has called the vote unconstitutional. The standoff has come less than three months before the March 26 parliamentary elections, leaving Yushchenko and his bloc looking severely weakened.
"Ukrainian society is expecting from this session constructive dialogue between representatives of all branches of government, a consolidated position and a compromise that will work _ and not an exchange of campaign passions and emotions," Yushchenko said in a statement posted on his Web site.
But on the eve of the session, Yushchenko maintained his uncompromising position over the parliamentary vote, and his National Security Council recommended that the president challenge it before the country's Constitutional Court. That court has been paralyzed because lawmakers have refused to vote on nominees for judges. A vote on the nominees was on the agenda for Thursday, however.
Meanwhile, parliament speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn has insisted that the first step toward dialogue must be Yushchenko's acknowledgment that the vote was legal.
The question of legality has arisen because of a number of changes to Ukraine's Constitution that are currently entering into effect, and which all sides are interpreting differently in the absence of a clear judicial ruling.
Yushchenko won office in December 2004 after masses of supporters took to the streets and the Supreme Court annulled a fraud-marred vote in which his Russian-backed rival had been declared the victor.
But his popularity has since suffered because of his failure to root out long-entrenched corruption and bring economic improvements, and because of an acrimonious split in his coalition of one-time opposition leaders.
The Eropean Parliament invites Yanukovich and Timoshenko in Brussels
ForUm
January 19, 2006
Victor Yanukovich received an official invitation to take the floor at the Euro Parliament in Brussels, the press office of the Party of Regions told yesterday.
Earlier, Marek Siwiec, the Chairman of the Delegation to the EU-Ukraine Committee stated an intention to invite Yuliya Tymoshenko and Viktor Yanukovych in Brussels, as the the Cabinet’s dismissal became possible due to the votes of their factions in Verkhovna Rada. Victor Yanukovich said he would come if he received an official invitation. Both political leaders are invited to Brussels in February to share their views on the development of Ukraine-EU relations.
However, Yulia Timoshenko has not yet confirmed receiving the invitation, Interfax told.
Evhen Kushnaryov on the peculiarities of political technology
ForUm
January 19, 2006
Party of Regions uses standard methods of political technologies, Evhen Kushnaryov told. In the wake of majority of Ukrainian parties, the opposition invites American, European and Russian political technologists.
“Preparing different kinds of political, economical and social programs, we always take into account the world experience. That’s why we invite experts from different countries and never keep it in secret,” stressed Kushnaryov.
BYuT lays down conditions to Parliament
ForUm
January 19, 2006
The Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko will support draft decree on cancellation of the VR decision to dismiss the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, headed by Prime Minister Yuri Yekhanurov, but only in case if the gas agreement of January 4, signed between RosUkrEnergo and Naftogaz, is denounced, and both Plachkov and Ivchenko are fired.
These conditions are presented in the BYuT official address to the Verkgovna Rada in response to the VR initiative to conduct another voting on the issue of the dismissal of Yekhanurov’s Cabinet.
Foreign Ministry: Votes of Ukrainians abroad will be heard
ForUm
January 19, 2006
According to Act of Ukraine about parliamentary elections Ministry for Foreign Affairs is conducting widespread explanatory informational work concerning procedure of the elections among citizens of Ukraine living abroad, as declared Vasyl Fylypchuk, head of the Ministry’s press office.
“Vote of every Ukrainian living abroad must be heard and taken into account. We have charged our embassies with a job of carrying out active work with all citizens of Ukraine abroad,” pointed out the press secretary.
Filipchuk noted that the main task of the Ministry is to inform every Ukrainian living abroad about elections’ procedure and to enable him or her to vote. Filipchuk declared that from today Foreign Ministry would inform Mass Medias about number of election districts opened abroad and number of voters in the election lists
Txt referendum initiated by the Party of Regions goes on
ForUm
January 19, 2006
Txt Referendum launched two days ago. Today 10,000 citizens of Ukraine voice their position on Russian language status in Ukraine.
Despite the fact that the information about txt poll is only in the World Wide Web now, 10,000 persons voted within 30 hours all over Ukraine.
5,681 participants voted for Russian language, 4,319 – against it. Over 15% of voters subscribed to Party of Regions news.
The referendum will last two months. The ad campaign will start from the end of January in order more citizens of Ukraine will voice their choice.
By 10 a.m. of January 19, 12,044 persons voted: for - 6,790, against – 5,254.
President appeals against cabinet sacking
ForUm
January 19, 2006
Victor Yushchenko appealed to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and urged it to consider whether last week’s resolution to dismiss the government was constitutional, presidential press office informed.
In his letter the President said that “the necessity to prove the legality of the above-mentioned resolution is caused by the need to establish whether the consideration of such important problems is in Verkhovna Rada's competence and to solve this problem legally in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine.”
No last-minute changes
Kyiv Post
Editorial
January 19, 2006
Last week, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko announced he would call for a referendum to reverse political reforms that would shift key presidential powers from him to parliament. Evading resistance from his Orange Coalition colleagues, he acquiesced to the adoption of these reforms last year in the midst of the Orange Revolution. It was a compromise that opened the door for him to gain the nation’s presidency. We won't argue about whether it was worth compromising back then. The political situation was tense.
What’s clear, however, is that Yushchenko finds himself today several moves behind opponents on the political chessboard. He seems desperate to retain his influence and power in order to reform the country. His motives might be right, but that doesn't justify changing the rules of the game at the last second.
In 2004, Yushchenko was an opposition figure fighting a dangerous uphill battle to wrest political control away from entrenched officials. One of Yushchenko's main challenges back then was to overcome attempts by the administration of former President Leonid Kuchma to change the nation's constitution, shifting the considerable powers of the president to the parliament – an end-game to prevent Yushchenko from inheriting these powers.
The Western community – a strong supporter of Yushchenko before the revolution and since – condemned this plan, and rightfully so. Strangely, they remain silent now as he plans a similar move neither fair, nor espousing the democratic principles of Maidan.
In recent interviews Yushchenko has avoided revealing whether he plans the referendum before, during or after the March 26 parliamentary elections. His spokesperson said this week that it would likely be held after, yet Yushchenko's silence on this matter leaves us wondering.
Changing the political system at the last minute would be unfair, wrong and another one of many desperate moves which Yushchenko seems to be making lately.
There are others; they seem to be piling up.
Take for example the political accord inked with his former political foe, Viktor Yanukovych, and other opposition blocs last year in a bid to gain support for Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov, appointed after Yushchenko fired fellow “Orange” revolutionary Yulia Tymoshenko. After these same political groups voted to oust the Yekhanurov government last week, Yushchenko symbolically took back his signature on the pact, in which all sides pledged to work together for the betterment of Ukraine. Did the president expect unfailing loyalty from such an embittered foe?
There are other examples, but it suffices to say that Yushchenko must end this spate of reactionary politics and instead forge firm political alliances backing his vision for the country.
Perhaps he should move to rejuvenate his relations with old partners in the time remaining before the elections, such as ousted Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Bringing such power-brokers back onside in top roles would bring leadership to the team. It could also reduce the ability of these potential opponents to criticize him from the sidelines, and earn the president much-sought after political points and votes.
This strategy, of course, is one perfected by former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, certainly not Ukraine’s savior, but the strategy kept him in control of the country for nearly a decade.
Political Crisis in Ukraine: Passion Glowing!
MIG News
January 19, 2006
MIGnews.com.ua has already reported on political crisis, happened to Ukraine after the Cabinet’s dismissal. The crisis is far from being settled down in the nearest future and the events, taken place yesterday, just confirm it.
The president of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko declared at the session of the National Security and Defence Council (NSDC) that the only way to resolve the dispute stirred up by the decision on governmental dismissal taken by Verkhovna Rada on January 10 is to submit this question to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in order to guaranty the rightful political and legal support. Therefore, the head of state is insisting on the judges’ immediate adjuration.
Anatoliy Kinakh, secretary of NSDC announced at the briefing, following the NSDC session, the Cabinet of Ministers and the President are ready to meet with Verkhovna Rada on January 19, if the parliament lets the Constitutional Court function in its usual way and turns down the decree on the Cabinet’s dismissal.
“The proposal to organize the meeting President-Rada-Government-NSDC on January 19 has got the necessary support, yet the following conditions have been laid down: we should avoid futile talks and rebukes. We are aimed at solving at least two points: to secure the judges’ adjuration and recommence the work of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and terminated the decree of January 10 on the Cabinet’s dismissal”, summed up Kinakh.
Nevertheless, faction representatives, voted to discharge the governments Yuriy Yekhanurov, consider unacceptable such categorical addressing the parliament.
New Voting Rules to Ukrainians!
MIG News
January 19, 2006
Ysaroslav Davydovich, chairman of the Central Election Committee (CEC) proposed to introduce some changes into decrees which regulate time limits allotted to election day and read the corresponding project to the deputies at today morning session of Verkhovna Rada.
In particular, the document recommends to increase time limits fixed for election day by 4 hours, consequently, election centers will work from 7 a.m. to 23 p.m.
However, the CEC proposition generated sharp disputes in the parliament, yet the compromise was reached: 249 deputies approved the changes into the Law “On elections people’s deputies of Ukraine”, the time was increased but by 3 hours instead of proposed 4: from 7 a.m. to 22 p.m.
As a reminder, an election day lasted from 8 a.m. to 20 p.m. before.
Political Crisis in Ukraine: Passion Glowing!
MIG News
January 19, 2006
MIGnews.com.ua has already reported on political crisis, happened to Ukraine after the Cabinet’s dismissal. The crisis is far from being settled down in the nearest future and the events, taken place yesterday, just confirm it.
The president of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko declared at the session of the National Security and Defence Council (NSDC) that the only way to resolve the dispute stirred up by the decision on governmental dismissal taken by Verkhovna Rada on January 10 is to submit this question to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in order to guaranty the rightful political and legal support. Therefore, the head of state is insisting on the judges’ immediate adjuration.
Anatoliy Kinakh, secretary of NSDC announced at the briefing, following the NSDC session, the Cabinet of Ministers and the President are ready to meet with Verkhovna Rada on January 19, if the parliament lets the Constitutional Court function in its usual way and turns down the decree on the Cabinet’s dismissal.
“The proposal to organize the meeting President-Rada-Government-NSDC on January 19 has got the necessary support, yet the following conditions have been laid down: we should avoid futile talks and rebukes. We are aimed at solving at least two points: to secure the judges’ adjuration and recommence the work of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and terminated the decree of January 10 on the Cabinet’s dismissal”, summed up Kinakh.
Nevertheless, faction representatives, voted to discharge the governments Yuriy Yekhanurov, consider unacceptable such categorical addressing the parliament.
Katerynchuk predicts new Maidan and calls Tymoshenko to come
Ukrayinska Pravda
January 18, 2006
Mykola Katerynchuk, head of the Central Executive Committee of Our Ukraine Party suggests another Maidan will start after Ukraine’s parliamentary elections.
“Many things are at stake now, so talks about opposition forces’ revenge are not just words. We should be ready for the second Maidan in order not to allow it”, Katerynchuk said in interveriw to Lvivska gazeta.
“Yuliya Tymoshenko should join us”, he add.
Commenting on Tymoshenko’s position during parliamentary vote to sack Yekhanurov’s cabinet, Katerynchuk pointed out that her actions looked like vengeance and she striked a blow on Yushchenko, but not the government.
As for Tymoshenko’s visits to Moscow, Katerynchuk noted that she was alien in Moscow and could solve problems nowhere because one should be successive politician to be trusted.
Besides, he considers gas agreement to be “a stand-off”.
“Can you imagine Russia to lose? Definitely not. Do you want Ukraine to win? Clearly yes. Actually Russia drove itself in the corner by $230 gas price and cut off natural gas supplies to Ukraine”, noted Katerynchuk.
The Democrat’s Dilemma
Russia Profile
January 18, 2006
Yushchenko Caught Between the Courts and the Parliament
The four-day “gas war” between Russia and Ukraine was brought to an end by an agreement announced by the two sides on Jan. 5. The events that have followed, including a vote by the Ukrainian parliament – the Verkhovna Rada – to dismiss Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov and his cabinet, suggest that far from resolving the “war,” the agreement may only have brought to an end the first skirmish in what could turn into a bigger political conflict within Ukraine.
The stand off that occurred between Ukraine and Russia over the New Year holiday came as a surprise to neither side, as the two governments, as well as the Russian and Ukrainian natural gas companies – Gazprom and Naftogaz, respectively – failed to reach agreement on the price Ukraine would pay for Russian gas, as well as what payment it would receive for the transit of Russian gas across its territory to Europe. As it maintained all along that it would do if no agreement was reached, Russia’s Gazprom removed Ukraine’s share from the gas crossing its border into the pipeline system, while Ukraine, also as threatened, began siphoning off some of the gas earmarked for transit to Europe.
The whole impasse had been based on state-owned Gazprom’s insistence that Ukraine pay European market rates for the gas it received, a figure level it set at $230 per 1,000 cubic meters. Ukraine countered with an offer to raise the amount it was paying by $20 – to $70. Under the Jan. 5 agreement, Russia will supply Ukraine with 17 billion cubic metres of gas at a cost of $230 per cubic meter. Another 37 billion cubic meters will be supplied by Turkmenistan at a price of $63 per cubic meter, and another 15 billion cubic meters will come from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Gazprom had purchased the Turkmen gas earlier in December, after Ukraine had enquired about purchasing the gas itself.
One of the biggest surprises in the deal is that the Turkmen and Russian gas will not be supplied directly to Ukraine’s state-owned gas company, Naftogaz-Ukraina, which has monopoly rights for the delivery of gas to the country’s consumers, but to a private intermediary company, RosUkrEnergo (RUE). According to head of Naftogaz-Ukraina, Alexei Ivchenko, this company will mix the Russian and Turkmen gas and sell it to Naftogaz-Ukraina at $95 per 1,000 cubic meters.
The inclusion of the intermediary company has generated the most speculation about the deal’s nature. Gazprom owns a 50-percent stake in RUE, while the other 50 percent is in the hands of Austria’s Raiffeisen Bank, which, citing commercial confidentiality, has refused to disclose the names of the other shareholders. Until 2004, the majority shareholder in RUE had been Semyon Mogilevich, originally from Kiev but who now holds dual Israeli/Hungarian citizenship. Mogilevich, who himself admits to having twice been convicted on criminal charges during the Soviet years, was also under indictment in the United States on fraud charges and was the subject of an FBI investigation into his links to the Solntsevo Group, one of Russia’s largest criminal organizations. In July, Alexander Turchinov, then the head of Ukraine’s Security Service, said that he was investigating Mogilevich for links to both RUE and members of the family of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko. Turchinov is now working for the electoral bloc named after former-Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko ahead of the Rada elections that are scheduled for March. Members of the bloc, which has been highly critical of Yushchenko since he dismissed Tymoshenko and her cabinet in September, say that Mogilevich is still involved in managing RosUkrEnergo, although Mogilevich has denied any such ties. In December, the daily Russian newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets printed a retraction of a story it had published accusing Mogilevich of involvement in drug trafficking and fraud.
The events surrounding the gas deal took place at the same time that constitutional changes governing the balance of powers in Ukraine came into effect. Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov delivered a report to the Rada on the nature of the agreement just 10 days after the New Year brought into effect reforms that gave the parliament the power to dismiss the cabinet, which is exactly what the Rada did.
“We think the government has betrayed the country’s interests,” Tymoshenko said in the Rada ahead of the vote. “The price acceptable to Russia is guaranteed by an intergovernmental agreement, but the price that is agreeable to Ukraine is guaranteed by an agreement with a private company of dubious repute.”
Another criticism of the agreement from Tymoshenko’s bloc and others is that there is no guarantee that the long-term price of the gas supplied to Ukraine will remain at $95. Tymoshenko has called for Kiev to scrap the deal and, instead, file suit with the International Arbitration Court in Stockholm – an option that had been suggested a number of times by Yushchenko’s administration prior to the cut-off at the beginning of January.
Yushchenko’s supporters, including deputies from his Our Ukraine party, have countered by branding the attacks on the agreement as “populist.”
“Our negotiators got the best possible deal they could. It’s not a great result but, given the situation, it was the best we could hope for,” said Yuriy Klyuchkovsky, a Rada member from Our Ukraine. The party charges, in turn, that it is the opposition that has betrayed the country’s interests. Yekhanurov has dismissed the suggestion of going to the International Arbitration Court as unrealistic, citing the length of time it would take to hand down a decision – during which Ukraine would not be receiving gas from Russia – as prohibitive.
The opposition also attacked Yushchenko’s administration for the raise in prices the agreement would bring for Ukrainian consumers.
“You said that Ukrainian households are supplied with gas produced by our own country, and that the dispute with Russia will not affect the price for this gas,” said Yuriy Solomatin, a Rada member from the Communist Party of Ukraine. “So why, then, did you raise prices as of Jan. 1?”
Deputies from the Party of Regions, headed by Viktor Yanukovich, who lost to Yushchenko in the 2004-2005 presidential elections, released a statement saying that the opposition “does not want to tip the country into a governmental crisis.”
As a result of the Rada vote, however, the effectiveness of the government has been thrown into question by its reduction to acting status.
“This is a case where everyone is wrong,” said Mikhail Pogrebensky, director of the Kiev Center for Political and Conflict Studies. “The government lost out in the negotiations with Russia through its own incompetence. But the opposition deputies are not concerned about the fate of the country, but only about the parliamentary elections that will take place in two months.”
“Forming a new government is impossible now,” Pogrebensky added. “No one wants to get involved. It would only put Ukraine in an even worse situation with regards to the still unfinished negotiations with Russia. Thanks to the moves by the deputies, we now have a government with an unclear status that has to do battle on two fronts – against Russia and against its own parliament.”
The situation has been further complicated by the fact that, although Yushchenko might have opted to challenge the legality of the government’s dismissal in the Constitutional Court, the parliament has also refused to confirm his appointments to the court. With only six of the18 judges presently in place, the court has also been paralyzed.
So the dilemma for Yushchenko would now appear to be how to run the country in accordance with constitutional principles while the focus of Rada members is squarely on the approaching elections. It is already clear that none of the three main contending parties has enough support to win a majority in the Rada. Once the smaller parties, including the Communists and the Socialist Party of Ukraine, are thrown into the mix, the likelihood of drawn out negotiations to form a working coalition in the parliament is clearly an unwelcome proposition when some kind of united front is needed for further negotiations with Russia.
As a result, Yushchenko has accused the Rada of exceeding its powers and said that he would try to reverse the political reforms to which he and then-President Leonid Kuchma agreed as part of the deal that broke the impasse during the 2004-2005 presidential elections. The deal calls for the transfer of significant powers from the president to the parliament.
Yushchenko, for the first time questioning the deal that was struck with Kuchma, is now demanding a referendum on the political reforms. The Regions Party also got an unpleasant surprise when the president withdrew his signature from an agreement concluded with the opposition last fall, in which he had promised to end criminal proceedings against a number of members of the party. The party has warned that Yushchenko is heading down the same road that then-Russian President Boris Yeltsin took in 1993, when he dissolved the Russian State Duma and pushed through a referendum for a new constitution, which was passed in a national vote. The new document transferred extensive powers to the executive branch. One of the Party’s leaders, Taras Chornovil, has gone as far as to claim that Yushchenko’s actions represent sufficient grounds for impeachment.
“I don’t think Ukraine will completely follow the Russian experience of 10 years ago, if only because Yeltsin was a lot more popular among the Russian public in 1993,” said Vadim Karasev, director of the Institute for Global Strategy, a Kiev-based think tank.
“He was more trusted, by far, by the people than any of the opposition leaders. Yushchenko, unfortunately, is not as popular.”
Indeed, most public opinion surveys have Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine running second or third in popularity, with its popularity continuing to fall.
Security Council Advises Yushchenko To Appoint Commission For Political Reform Analysis
Ukrainian News
January 19, 2006
The National Security and Defense Council recommends to President Viktor Yushchenko to appoint within a short term a special commission of famous skilled lawyers who would analyze the constitutional amendments that came in force in January and make conclusions in the part that does not meet democratic principles of human rights and freedoms.
NSDC Secretary Anatolii Kinakh made this statement during a briefing.
The commission will submit to the President its proposals within the context of irreversibility of development of Ukraine as a legal democratic state, he said.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Yushchenko promised on January 13 to call a referendum on the constitutional changes.
The President considers the dismissal of the Cabinet of Ministers by Rada on January 10 a consequence of ill-considered political reform.
CEC Approves Norms Of Information Posters Of Parties, Blocs For Rada Elections
Ukrainian News
January 18 2006
The Central Election Commission (CEC) has approved the shape, size and printing appearance of information posters of parties and blocs for the Verkhovna Rada elections.
The commission made the decision at its meeting.
According to Maryna Stavniichuk, who presented the project, under the law, posters should be ready by February 18 and should be given over to representatives of parties and blocs and district election commissions by March 5.
The commission decided to make posters of two sheets for each party and bloc.
At this, the first sheet will have photos of top five candidates on the election list and an election platform of the party or bloc; the size of the sheet will be 51X71 cm.
The second sheet of the poster will have election lists of parties.
The CEC divided all election entities in three categories on the number of candidates.
Particularly, the first category with 18-99 candidates will have posters of 25.5X71 cm; the second category with 100-219 candidates will have posters of 51X71 cm; the third category with 220-450 candidates will have posters of 102X71 cm.
The commission also confirmed a procedure of posters giving to election commissions, Foreign Ministry and representatives of parties and blocs in the CEC.
CEC Chairman Yaroslav Davydovych stressed that for the first time in history of Ukrainian elections such number of posters will be made.
Particularly, 600 tons of paper will be used to make nearly 16 million posters.
As Ukrainian News reported earlier, elections of the Verkhovna Rada, local councils and city mayors will be held in Ukraine on March 26, 2006.
Mykola Martynenko: Our Ukraine Bloc will get to know who is a founder of RosUkrEnergo
News Service of Our Ukraine Electoral Bloc
January 19, 2006
“Our Ukraine headquarters was aware of preparation of provocation against Petro Yushchenko and has warned the public. We predicted that it would be one of our former allies, and their partners had a speech” – the leader of the VR faction of Our Ukraine Mykola Martynenko commented on statements of the Social Democrats against Petro Yushchenko.
Mykola Martynenko said that a member of the VR faction of “Our Ukraine” Serhiy Zhyzhko had made an appeal to respective institutions yesterday. He had asked who was a founder of RosUkrEnergo. He emphasized that the government had the same position and had given a respective order to the Antimonopoly committee. Mr. Martynenko is sure that people should get to know this question.
Vyacheslav Koval: Outsiders continue to destroy
News Service of Our Ukraine Electoral Bloc
January 19, 2006
“Conclusions of the democratic forces that nevertheless are present in Ukrainian Parliament that the session of the Verkhovna Rada was continued only in order to make PR for certain political forces that either are outsiders of electoral process either the fifth column in Ukrainian site have been justified” – people’s deputy of Ukraine, a member of People’s Movement of Ukraine Mr. Koval thinks.
“The bills the president has proposed and the WTO bills the government has proposed have been blocked though there were talks about effective work of the Verkhovan Rada and the necessity to adopt the bills that will improve economic situation in Ukraine – Vyacheslav Koval emphasizes. – We can state that destructive forces are unmasked once again. The bills that are necessary for the state are being blocked.”
Borys Besplayi: Viktor Yushchenko has demands to the Parliament and they are absolutely logic
News Service of Our Ukraine Electoral Bloc
January 19, 2006
“ A decision on the government’s dismissal that looks doubtful in terms of the Constitution is to be cancelled – a member of the Presidium of party Council of “People’s Union Our Ukraine” MP Borys Besplayi commented on the presidential demand to put judges of the CC to an oath and cancel the decision to sack the government as an obligatory condition for his presence at today’s Rada’s sitting. – This decision has no practical results; the same government fulfills the same duties. I think it would be absolutely logic to take a step back”.
“As to the judges of the Constitutional court, according to the Constitution four of them are elected by the congress of judges of Ukraine and four of them are nominated by the president – people’s deputy noted. – The head of the Verkhovna Rada creates obstacles in this case. He does not include this question into the agenda though it is possible to be done without voting, at the speaker’s initiative. Motivation is clear. Both the decision on the government’s dismissal and a constitutional reform can’t be examined because there is no Constitutional court. We see a conscious opposition to the constitutional court’s activity”.
“It us indelicate to explain this problem by the fact that the Verkhovna Rada has not elected the last third of judges – Borys Bespalyi said. – MPs may vote for one or other candidates to the CC or not to take part in the vote, it is their right. According to the law on the Constitutional court, it is their duty to put judges to an oath. It would be logic for the president to appear in the Rada when judges are already put to an oath and are capable to work”.
“Viktor Yushchenko’s demands are absolutely logic” – people’s deputy emphasized.
Yuriy Orobets: Lytvyn keeps mocking at his own his image
News Service of Our Ukraine Electoral Bloc
January 19, 2006
“There is no majority on most governmental and presidential bills” – a member of Our Ukraine Bloc, people’s deputy of Ukraine Yuriy Orobets commented on yesterday’s events in the Rada.
“The WTO is an old problem. Most MPs do not vote because of political reasons. TLYA
(Tymoshenko, Lytvyn, Yanukovych) goes on international level. The policy is the following. The worse it is for the president, the better it is” – Mr. Orobets said.
“Lytvyn behaves cynically as a political manipulator. First of all, the worse it is, the better it is. Lytvyn thinks it is great for him. In fact he creates chaos and anarchy and is losing the remnants of the truth he still has” – Mr. Orobets said.
“Lytvyn likes the power he has by the Constitution. It is Pyrrhic victory. It is not so easy to mock at your own image the way he did. The electorate will “appreciate” that” -MP emphasized.
